By Imran Khalid
Korea Times
Is the current tussle between Mahathir Mohamad, former Malaysian premier, and his successor, Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, going to end with the incumbent's exit? This prickly question is being eagerly discussed by Malaysians who have been witnessing one of the worst political fracas in recent times.
Though it is too early to predict Abdullah's political future, the Mahathir camp asserts that the real target of Mahathir's wrath is not Abdullah, but his state policies. After leading the country for 22 years of astounding development and progress, Mahathir left the stage in 2003 and opted for a peaceful retirement. For quite some time, Mahathir kept a low profile and refrained from interfering in political affairs.
However, he intensified his criticism of his successor last year, especially concerning his auto policy, which lead to a war of words with the government. Mahathir has three main objections to the Abdullah regime: the lack of tangible effort to control endemic corruption, flourishing nepotism in all layers of government and parsimonious approach towards state spending. Interestingly, the Mahathir camp is not issuing any formal statements, unlike the cabinet ministers who have been regularly issuing counter-statements to muffle Mahathir's criticism.
Instead, the views of the Mahathir camp are mostly reflected through the indirect information gleaned by the media from the people who visit Mahathir in his office. Mahathir himself avoids direct comments. The same is true of Abdullah, who is also trying to express his views mostly through his cabinet ministers and close associates. Some senior ministers have been openly alleging that Mahathir is trying to destroy party discipline and fabric by inciting his supporters within the United Malays National Organization (UMNO) to confront Abdullah.
In a recent statement, Nazri Abdul Aziz, a fairly influential cabinet member, citing information collected from Mahathir's conversations with friends and associates, claimed that the ex-premier was seriously planning to oust Abdullah, who also happens to be the president of the ruling UMNO. ``If he continues his actions to destroy UMNO, to bring down the president, I will be at the forefront as a warrior to defend the party,'' Nazri said in a statement.
Apparently, the ongoing feud has been seeping into the UMNO hierarchy and affecting its cohesion. Although government supporters assert that the Mahathir-Abdullah tussle has not created any serious party rifts and disciplinary issues, Mahathir, who is considered to be a hero in UMNO, has a strong support within its ranks and has all the capability to create more problems for Abdullah. The bitter public dispute is likely to damage not only the party fabric and discipline, but also to invite the opposition parties to capitalize on the situation.
The problem with Abdullah is that, buoyed by his spectacular election victory in 2004, he is eager to come out of the shadow of 22-year rule of Mahathir, perhaps the most revered political personality in Malaysia. He is desperate to establish himself as a charismatic leader who can eclipse the legendary Mahathir. In this effort, he has made two major mistakes. One, to win the support of old Mahathir loyalists and senior leaders of UMNO, he has tried to keep everybody happy by overlooking discrepancies and corrupt practices.
The result is that corruption and nepotism are endemic in all layers of the government and bureaucracy today. Independent sources have frequently confirmed the rampant corruption and nepotism within the Abdullah government. Despite his effort to be called ``Mr. Clean,'' an unending series of stories about corruption and nepotism within the Abdullah government ranks have been appearing in the Malaysian media.
There is gap between the official rhetoric on corruption and nepotism, and actions taken on the ground. The second mistake made by Abdullah is the shelving of the mega developmental projects of the Mahathir-era. In his conscious effort to differentiate himself from Mahathir, Abdullah immaturely and ill-advisedly not only shelved the mega-projects, but also adopted a thrifty approach towards state spending.
The projects include a new bridge to Singapore, a major rail project and Mahathir's single biggest state project _ a new administrative capital, Putrajaya.
On the other hand, Mahathir feels that his legacy is being deliberately destroyed just to create difference. The sluggish economy and growing corruption scandals involving the Abdullah associates have given him enough material to attack Abdullah. Despite all the harsh words from the Adbdullah camp, Mahathir has been showing restraints in his tussle with the premier.
The Abdullah-Mahathir friction does not augur well for development and progress of Malaysia, which strives to become a developed nation within 15 years. A reconciliatory effort, particularly from the old guards of UMNO, is much-needed at this stage to avoid a major crisis. Abdullah will have to show political will and acumen to avert a difficult situation. Mahathir has nothing to loose in this feud; it is Abdullah who may face trouble if the situation lingers on.
The writer is a freelance columnist and political analyst based in Karachi, Pakistan.
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